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Sunday, 24 August 2025
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Liquid Culture in the Syrian and Kurdish Tragedy
محمود عباس

When Zygmunt Bauman described our contemporary world as a "liquid" world, he meant that all that was once stable—values, identities, and relationships—has become fragile and susceptible to melting away. This characterization clearly applies to the reality in Syria and among the Kurds, whether in the discourse of the Syrian Interim Government or in Kurdish activism represented by the Kurdish Body emerging from the Qamishli Conference, as well as in the actions of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the Autonomous Administration. Major issues have transformed into "liquid matter" controlled by the interests of states and powers, rather than being rooted in national or humanitarian constants.

In Syria, the concept of nationalism is no longer a fixed notion as envisioned by previous generations; it has become fleeting slogans that change with the shifts in regional and international powers. Even the opposition, along with Bashar al-Assad's government—which was supposed to be the enemy of the old regime—has dissolved into a game of alliances and dependency. As a result, their discourse is now a reflection of the flux of reality, lacking moral steadfastness or a genuine liberation project. Despite outward appearances of flexible cultural openness, their actual practices are driven by rigid, unchanging mindsets and a culture that resists change.

For the Kurds, they find themselves at the heart of this liquid culture. Their political identity is reduced repeatedly to the slogan of federalism, then to false claims of "national unity," and next to accusations of separatism—all reflecting a profound lack of acknowledgment of their genuine existence, with their cause subjected to immediate political tug-of-wars. Consequently, the Kurdish identity is trapped between contradictory external forces: sometimes presented as a strategic partner, other times accused of separatism, and at times confronted with a superficial flexibility that disguises rigid, exclusionary politics.

This liquid culture is not merely a theoretical description but a daily wound. The absence of stability means a lack of security, transforming individuals into transient beings caught in the game of nations. Syrians live in a reality where truth and justice evaporate, with only death remaining solid. Meanwhile, Kurds face their cause being diluted in international statements and superficial understandings, with no firm foundation to settle into.

Yet, within this fluidity lies another dialectic: If regional and international powers use this "liquidity" to dissolve rights, perhaps the solution lies in the Kurds and Syrians transforming this same state into a source of resistance. They can harness its flexibility to craft new identities and alternative policies—transcending sectarianism and nationalist rigidity. While rigid cultures have produced oppressive regimes, a liquid culture could offer an opportunity to build a broader, more humane identity—if consciously invested in.

History has demonstrated that rigid empires and dictatorial systems, no matter how strong and cohesive they seem, eventually collapse when they lose their ability to adapt to societal and human changes. From ancient empires that crumbled due to their intellectual rigidity to modern regimes that fell under the pressure of change, excess rigidity has been their primary weakness. Conversely, peoples who embraced cultural and intellectual flexibility have survived, regenerated, and laid the foundations for new civilizations rising from the rubble.

Today, clinging to centralized systems is merely a continuation of a hard, petrified culture that has historically only produced dictatorship and repression. In contrast, decentralization and federal systems embody the essence of liquid culture—accepting diversity, fostering freedom and participation, and building adaptive institutions that respond to reality rather than succumb to it. The true cornerstone of any successful national project is to build a new Syria based on the flexibility of federalism, rather than the rigidity of centralization. The former contains the seeds of salvation, while the latter only sows destruction.

However, the Syrian Interim Government, subjected to the hard, solid culture of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), supported by a racist Turanist rhetoric, only drags Syria toward destruction by replicating a more brutal form of authoritarianism than the past. This reality compels the Kurdish people—who have lived and been raised within a flexible liquid culture—to stand against it spontaneously. The core conflict is between two cultures: the culture of intellectual rigidity, which sees only exclusion and repression, and the culture of mental liquidity, which aspires toward civilization, progress, and a homeland that embraces all components of Syrian geography.

Dr. Mahmoud Abbas